Thank you for sharing the discussion paper on procurement in fragile states, excellent initiative! Allow me to share a few comments based on exchanges with our African partners.
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Concerning the World Bank’s CPAR and the multi donor MAPS: without wanting to question the quality of the tools as such, I think it is important to take into account in our work that, in terms of
perception, these tools are sometimes viewed by NGOs and African governments not so much as “internationally agreed standards”, but rather as “donor imposed standards”. Therefore, we should to be diplomatic and careful in the way we present/promote
these tools. For example, the global (and influential) NGO Platform BetterAid has criticised donors for exerting significant influence on shaping public procurement systems, through conditionalities, technical assistance and the application of diagnostic tools.
By doing so, BetterAid states “they are promoting the liberalization of public procurement, and are intervening in a core area of national sovereignty: public procurement accounts for the majority of public spending besides wages. (...) In spite of pledges
to support nationally-owned ways to build institutions and choose policies, donors impose a one-size-fits-all internationally agreed best practice model for public procurement on developing countries.” (see “Development Effectiveness in Development Cooperation:
a rights based approach”, BetterAid, 2010). I think it is important for UNDP, when addressing these issues, to be aware of the controversy.
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Similarly, the NGO federation Eurodad estimates that 50% of all Official Development Aid is spent on procurement of goods and services. According to their research the majority of formally untied aid
contracts from bilateral agencies still go to donor country firms. The conclusion is that aid untying in the official sense has obviously been necessary but not a sufficient condition to untying aid in reality. In order to unleash the full potential of aid
to create local capacities, jobs and income, aid must be untied not only on paper but in practice. Donors’ “open” procurement practices still favour northern firms and make it virtually impossible for firms from Least Developed Countries to compete. (See “How
to Spend It – Smart Procurement for more Effective Aid”, EURODAD, 2011) Therefore, NGO federations such as
Alliance2015 and BetterAid plead to grant developing countries the right to maintain preferences for procurement of local goods and services, in order to have a development impact on the national productive sector. (see “Development Cooperation:
Not Just Aid”, BetterAid, 2010 and Pereira, J. “Democratic Ownership beyond Busan: Building Inclusive Partnerships for Development”, Alliance2015, 2011) The question of “preferences versus open competition” is briefly addressed in your paper, but considering
the major debate lying behind this, I would suggest addressing the pro’s and con’s in more detail.
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The report “Aid Effectiveness 2005-10: Progress in Implementing the Paris Declaration” shows that, in countries were governments have been making considerable progress in strengthening their national procurement
systems, donors have not responded systematically by using the systems more. Such donor behaviour discourages further reforms. This is surely
a problem worth addressing in our work.
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Under the “Do No Harm” principle, I think it would be good to consider the question of distortion of local markets. My concerns in that regard would be the same as the ones outlined above (preferences vs open
competition)
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Under “coordination mechanisms” we might want to insist more on the fact that wherever possible, international actors should work jointly with national reformers in government and civil society to develop a shared
analysis of challenges and priorities, as it is stated in the OECD’s fragile state principles.
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The governments of Burundi and Belgium have developed a practice allowing for the donor to use country procurement systems in a fragile state like Burundi, which you might find interesting. Basically, the national
systems are used, but both the national government and the donors sign off on the procurement. You can read more about it in the OECD DAC peer review of the Belgian Development Cooperation (page 73 box 4 para 2 as well as Annex D p 110)
http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/62/14/45738991.pdf
That is it for my comments. Keep up the good work!